Domesticities

A collection of photographs from the project - "Worlding the City : The Futures of Bangalore".

In 1949, the twin municipalities of Bangalore City and Cantonment were brought together in the Bangalore City Corporation. A pete founded in the 16th century and a cantonment established in the 19th century were administratively united in the 20th century. More important, two distinct cultures, linguistic territories and spatial identities, separated by a swathe of parkland and institutional areas -- stretching from the Indian Institute of Science in the North west through the Palace Grounds, Golf course and Cubbon Park, to the Mental Hospital in the south east -- were joined. Some of the older divisions continue to haunt the city to this day, as the ‘east-west zonation’ of the city continues. Others have disappeared over the past fifty years as new challenges and opportunities have been thrown up, continually transforming the shape of the city and the lives of its people. First wrenched out of its existence as a divided town to become a big city in the 1970s, Bangalore was startled into the recognition that it was already a metropolis by the 1980s, hurtling towards a destiny it only reluctantly acknowledges, and for which it is largely unprepared. While the population has increased from 7.79 lakhs in 1951 to more than 50 lakhs by the turn of the century, the city has expanded far beyond the 66 sq km of that time to a conurbation area of 449 sq km today.

Bangalore is at once the capital of Karnataka state, the home of several large scale public sector industries and their ancillaries -- and more recently the infotech and garment industries -- and gateway to styles of globalised consumption. Thus the city has always been marked by regional, national and global forces and interests in very definite ways. These interests lay claim to the city, its many pasts, and possible futures, and thereby make it their own. If the middle class locality once wore the proud badge of the public sector company (e.g. HAL Second Stage), today the dream of dollars lends it name to entire colonies (e.g. Dollar Colony). If there once were areas of the city where Kannada was rarely heard, (e.g. Fraser Town) as the city is reterritorialised today, a more assertive voice of the region is heard (e.g. Pulakeshi Nagara). From a time when local market-gardeners (Tigalas) prided themselves on growing European fruits, flowers, and vegetables for the colonial master, on farms scattered across the city, to a time when global foods crowd the supermarket shelf, internationalised tastes are widely cultivated and encouraged. The tank bed, once considered open or waste land, fit only for occupation by the poor, is the most contested site in Bangalore today. Consequently, the city is a far more disturbed zone, a restless territory which rarely conforms to the planners’ map or the administrators’ designs.

From a town of tanks and vineyards, low walled compounds and walkable distances in the 1950s, the city has spread in all directions, unhindered by any natural boundaries. The growing middle class thirst for sites has consumed farmland and village, within and beyond corporation limits, displacing thousands from market-gardening communities, and transforming the urban fabric. By the late 1970s, the city found a new vertical orientation, and apartments and multistoried office blocks soon became not just a necessity but a desirable address. In the late 1990s, the metropolis has continued to expand both upward and outward, the grid of the layout marching on over farm and tank bed, on the one hand, while high rise structures crowd out small lanes.

At which historical moment may we say that the city has taken its final shape? All developments produce new spaces as much as they breathe life into older ones. A space designed for military activities was turned into the metropolis’ most desirable business district (MG Road area). A cinema hall yielded space to a shopping complex (e.g.Alankar and Minerva). A tank bed was throttled with buildings (e.g.Millers’ Tank) and the city stretched beyond the bicycle’s reach. In the early 1970s, bicycles were the dominant mode of transport in the city (accounting for 71 per cent of daily passenger trips): today the city is ferociously automobilised, and one-way streets make Bangalore unfamiliar to older residents. The neighbourhood no longer meets the needs of all people for work, education or leisure; the metropolis requires corridors of speed which bypass or flyover the thick profusion of city life on the ground. The imaginary boundary of the green belt has given way to a new girdle that is thrown around the city, the Ring Road.

At the same time, the need for globalised spaces - five star hotels, golf courses or tech parks which conform to international standards -- takes uneasy precedence over the democratic demands of the poor or underprivileged for water, housing, public transport. The privacies of the privileged can no longer be guaranteed in a deeply iniquitous city, except in gated apartment blocks with 24 hour security systems, a new, sometimes tyrannical privacy. And no part of the city’s development has occurred without its costs. The story of Kempegowda’s triumph as a city founder was also the story of Lakshmamma’s sacrifice. The metropolis is not just a place where people live, love and die, but a space founded on contests, pain, loss, negotiation and even violence. Beneath every monumental edifice, every architectural masterpiece, every idyllic advertisement, are transactions that are not always just, negotiations that are sometimes reversed, and people who are dispossessed. Within the unity that was declared in 1949, then, there are many cities of Bangalore.

Yet, in a democracy such as ours, people make their own meanings of urban space, in both physical-material and mental-imaginative ways. The two dimensional map may be only one limited way of getting to know the territory of the city. Territories are marked and used in ways that were not anticipated by planners and designers. These are moments in a city’s history that are not usually memorialised in stone, recorded in texts, or captured in photographs. Yet they tell us much that is different from the triumphal procession of heroes and victors in usual histories of the city. This exhibition offers a different perspective, free of nostalgia for other times (e.g. the colonial past) or yearning for unreal spaces ( e.g. Singapore). Because only an unsentimental look at the city of our time may help us imagine a possible future.

- Janaki Nair

Domesticities

Private life has been thoroughly recast as newer consumption styles, architectural designs and work cultures gain acceptance in the city. Private space is designed and used quite differently in an apartment compared with the individual home. In many middle class homes of the 1950s and 1960s, domestic space was partitioned into small but not always private areas. Vattaras in many parts of the city made multiple use of little courtyards, and jagalis or street front platforms were part of the furniture of the home, used by family members and visitors alike. Industrial townships, such as Doorvaninagar, or older working class areas, such as Murphy Town, were generously endowed with shaded open squares onto which the small homes opened.

Bangalore is still a place where the ‘ideal home’ is usually a house planted on a plot of land or a site. But even the proudest homes have crumbled before the power of the real estate market which has turned most large compounds into apartment blocks. Apartment buildings protect anonymity, and enable high levels of security and privacy. The design of space within apartments has by and large dissolved the privacy of dining rooms, and even kitchens, while allowing for more privacy of the bedroom. Even the family deities today have more than a customary kitchen corner, a designated room in the house. Larger apartment complexes are furnished with recreational facilities for the exclusive use of residents, ensuring more security or hygiene than the public park or swimming pool. Indeed, what is promised to luxury apartment or site owners is not merely a house or a piece of real estate but a wholly planned lifestyle.

For the labouring poor, privacy is defined in ways that are not always physical, and domestic tasks and even personal ablutions are frequently performed on the sides of the road, which may also serve as workplace, godown or space for sleeping, in a spirited defiance of middle class zoning laws. The public water tap is a place for women to socialise as they perform daily chores, and the house front is an extended living room.

More recently the principles of ‘vaastu’ have reorganised living and working spaces, an economy fueled by the fears and fantasies of the upper and middle classes. The uncertainties of economic success or political life have made business people and politicians particularly vulnerable to notions of ‘luck’ and ‘ill-luck’ in the design of domestic and commercial space. But the city wears other signs of an architecture of fear: high walled compounds with 24 hour security and large metaled entrances where low walls and simple wooden gates once sufficed.

Ownership of consumer goods and western style furniture has been made not just affordable but desirable, so that home interiors are increasingly designed to accommodate and sometimes display these acquisitions. Since the 1980s, the growth of televisual culture has radically altered domestic space. Within most homes across the spectrum, rich or poor, the television has become the focal point of living space, an essential piece of furniture, its moving image sometimes even serving as decoration.